Thread: I vote present
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Old Sep 25, 2008 | 07:38 AM
  #8  
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Nightshade
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From: My own level of hell
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Originally Posted by RB
McCain isn't even remotely versed on the knowledge of what it takes to solve this problem. His forte isn't nor has it ever been economic policy. For McCain to roll into town for 24-48 hours and think he can just hammer out a solution then take credit for it is supremely ignorant. This is a transparent attempt at trying to come out as the "bigger man" by thinking he can provide valuable input into something he knows virtually nothing about.
Not saying McCain is going to solve it all by himself, but he can be one more person with input to bring a potential solution about and it is worth the loss in campaign time to at least try.

Here is an interesting excerpt from an article in Bloomberg:

Greenspan's Warning

The clear gravity of the situation pushed the legislation forward. Some might say the current mess couldn't be foreseen, yet in 2005 Alan Greenspan told Congress how urgent it was for it to act in the clearest possible terms: If Fannie and Freddie ``continue to grow, continue to have the low capital that they have, continue to engage in the dynamic hedging of their portfolios, which they need to do for interest rate risk aversion, they potentially create ever-growing potential systemic risk down the road,'' he said. ``We are placing the total financial system of the future at a substantial risk.''

What happened next was extraordinary. For the first time in history, a serious Fannie and Freddie reform bill was passed by the Senate Banking Committee. The bill gave a regulator power to crack down, and would have required the companies to eliminate their investments in risky assets.

Different World

If that bill had become law, then the world today would be different. In 2005, 2006 and 2007, a blizzard of terrible mortgage paper fluttered out of the Fannie and Freddie clouds, burying many of our oldest and most venerable institutions. Without their checkbooks keeping the market liquid and buying up excess supply, the market would likely have not existed.

But the bill didn't become law, for a simple reason: Democrats opposed it on a party-line vote in the committee, signaling that this would be a partisan issue. Republicans, tied in knots by the tight Democratic opposition, couldn't even get the Senate to vote on the matter.

That such a reckless political stand could have been taken by the Democrats was obscene even then. Wallison wrote at the time: ``It is a classic case of socializing the risk while privatizing the profit. The Democrats and the few Republicans who oppose portfolio limitations could not possibly do so if their constituents understood what they were doing.''
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